Bruno VON SACHSEN
Characteristics
Type | Value | Date | Place | Sources |
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name | Bruno VON SACHSEN |
[1]
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Parents
Otto VON SACHSEN | Adelais DE BURGUNDY |
Sources
1 | Foundation for Medieveal Geneology, Germany, Kings - Chapter 3: Kings of Germany 918-1024, Saxon Dynasty
Author: Charles Cawley
Publication: Name: Medeival Lands; Location: Oak House, Vowchurch, Hereford, HR20RB, England; Date: 2001-2011;
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The kingdom of Germany emerged in the late 9th and early 10thcenturies as the successor to the kingdom of the East Franks, whichhad been formed when the Carolingian empire was partitioned under theTreaty of Verdun in Aug 843. The term "Germany" or "Deutschland" wasnot widely used before the 16th century[1]. The territory had beenpart of the Frankish empire founded in 800 by Emperor Charles I"Charlemagne" and ruled by his descendants until their extinction inthe male line in 911. The Franks had been only one of a number oftribes living in the area now identified as Germany. The othersincluded the Saxons, Frisians, Thuringians, Swabians and Bavarians. Ludwig II "der Deutsche", son of Emperor Louis I, was the first memberof the Carolingian dynasty to be installed as a ruler in Germany whenhe received the kingdom of Bavaria in 825. In 831, he was alsogranted Thuringia, Saxony, Frisia and the northernmost lands west ofthe Rhine. His half-brother Charles received Alemannia, Alsace andlands along the upper Meuse and Moselle. Under the final divisionagreed by the Carolingian family under the Treaty of Verdun, the firsteast Frankish kingdom was created which included all German land eastof the river Rhine (except Frisia which was included in the kingdom ofLotharingia) and the west bank territories of the bishoprics of Mainz,Speyer and Worms. As the Carolingian Frankish empire weakened, local entities acquiredpositions of greater political and military importance. The power ofthe king in Germany came to depend increasingly on support from theGerman dukes in Bavaria, Carinthia, Franconia, Lotharingia, Saxony andSwabia. After the election of King Heinrich I in 919, the new monarchsecured his position by negotiating what amounted to friendshiptreaties with the local dukes in Bavaria, Lotharingia and Swabia[2].His success is demonstrated by his ability to intervene in securingthe appointment of Hermann [Konradiner] as duke of Swabia in 926, thefirst of many such grants to the nobility as a reward for service andsupport. Continuing to hold the office was dependent on theappointee's continued loyalty, and offices were frequently withdrawnby the king at will. Although the king of Germany was head of the feudal hierarchy ofnobility, the extent of the personal power of each king depended onthe amount of land which he himself held. For instance, King HeinrichIII retained the duchies of Bavaria, Swabia, and Carinthia in his ownhands. By contrast, King Heinrich IV retained little personalterritory. The process resulted in the creation of rival centres ofpower which challenged the central regal authority, particularlyapparent during the reign of King Heinrich IV when two anti-kingsemerged. At the same time, the centres of power fluctuated betweenthe various families, depending on which held the most titles andproperty. During the 12th century, the old tribal provinces evolvedinto stable duchies, the succession to which became hereditary withinthe same families. Nevertheless, during the 11th to 13th centuries,Germany achieved a degree of political and territorial integrity as aunit which was not to be repeated until the proclamation of the GermanEmpire in 1871. Succession to the German crown was elective. Although the elevationsof Konrad I in 911 and Heinrich I in 919 were described as"elections", the oath of allegiance and acclamation appear to havebeen the key elements of the procedure. With the accession of theOttonian kings, the elective element declined even further, especiallyas each king started nominating his successor during his lifetime.The accessions of Heinrich II in 1002, and his successor Konrad II in1024, appear to have combined a hereditary and an elective element,although on each occasion there was some competition for the post asthe primary sources name several unsuccessful candidates. Theelective principle was first truly established in 1077 with theselection as king (by the German magnates alone, without theintervention of the Pope) of Rudolf von Rheinfelden, who was obligedto recognise the non-hereditary nature of his appointment. While theaccession of King Heinrich V in 1106 does not appear to have beenelective, the principle was reaffirmed in 1125 with the selection ofhis successor Lothar von Süpplingenburg Duke of Saxony. On thatoccasion, ten representatives were selected from each of the ancientGerman tribal divisions, Bavaria, Franconia, Saxony and Swabia, on thesuggestion of Adalbert Archbishop of Mainz who dominated theproceedings[3]. King Konrad III was elected in 1138 without Saxon orBavarian representation, with the Archbishop of Trier playing thedominant role[4]. By the mid-12th century, the archbishops of Köln, Mainz and Trier hadfirmly established themselves as the spiritual representatives in theelectoral process. The temporal representation was not as clear.Eike von Repgau, in his compilation of customary law written in theearly 1220s, recognised six electors, specifically excluding the kingof Bohemia[5]. However, even as late as the election of Konrad IV in1237, eleven princes were involved, without any indication of an innercircle with special electoral powers[6]. The dual election of 1257highlighted the need for more specific procedures, aimed at avoidingsubsequent challenge from competing candidates. The 13 Jan 1257electoral decree of Konrad Archbishop of Köln, issued at the time ofthe election of Richard Earl of Cornwall in 1257, required the"presence of all persons having right of election"[7], although itfailed to specify the individuals in question, no doubt due touncertainty about which princes would finally support his candidate.An extreme example of the lack of definition is provided by KingAlfonso's first election in Mar 1256, in which the Pisans proclaimedhim elected "on behalf of all the subjects of the empire"[8]. Thefirst formal statement concerning the number of electors is providedby Richard of Cornwall's submission to the papal enquiry whichpreceded the Papal Bull Qui Cœlum dated 27 Aug 1263, which refers toseven electoral princes[9]. The "Bavarian" vote seems to have becomeattributed to the position of Pfalzgraf, both titles being held byOtto II Duke of Bavaria when he voted as such for the first time in1237, but the process by which this occurred is far from clear. Anadditional vote was granted to Heinrich I Duke of Lower Bavaria in the1273 election of King Rudolf I, as a practical solution to theopposition of Otakar II King of Bohemia. This represented a temporaryrevival of the original "Bavarian" vote. The Bohemian vote wasconfirmed by King Rudolf in a royal declaration dated 4 Mar 1289[10].The final composition of the electoral college thus evolved through acombination of ancient custom, temporary expediency and thepersonalities of particular princes and prelates. It finallycomprised the archbishops of Köln, Mainz and Trier, together with therulers of Bohemia, Brandenburg, the Rhineland Palatinate and Saxony.Electoral procedures, the unity of the seven electors, and the rightof election by the majority, were laid down definitively in the GoldenBull of 1356, which is described in some detail by Leuschner[11]. From the early 12th century, weaker candidates to the kingship inGermany were preferred, the more powerful nobility hoping to avoid thecreation of another successful dynasty which would challenge theirpower. Nevertheless, the strong personalities of individual kings didat times result in the royal title becoming virtually hereditarywithin certain families, in particular the Hohenstaufen, Luxembourgand Habsburg dynasties. The title attributed in contemporary documentation to the king ofGermany was originally rex Francorum or simply rex. King Otto I wasthe first ruler to style himself rex Francorum et Langobardorum,adopting the title first used by Charles I King of the Franks from774, reflecting his ambitions in Italy. He was styled imperatoraugustus Romanorum et Francorum when crowned emperor in 962. EmperorOtto II used the title Romanorum imperator augustus from Mar 982.King Heinrich II returned to using rex Francorum et Langobardorumafter his coronation at Pavia in 1004, but Kings Konrad II andHeinrich III re-emphasised the connection with Rome by using rexRomanorum which became the normally used title[12]. In the presentdocument, the titles "King of the East Franks" (until 911) and "Kingof Germany" (thereafter) have been used throughout instead of "King ofthe Franks" and "King of the Romans", reflecting the geographical andpolitical reality of the situation rather than the titles used by thekings in contemporary documentation. The title "emperor" had no territorial significance for the kings ofGermany. The king governed within his realm whether or not he hadbeen crowned emperor. Kings Konrad I, Heinrich I, Konrad III andPhilipp were never crowned emperor, and Kings Otto I and Heinrich IVwere only crowned emperor after they had reigned as kings of Germanyfor 26 and 28 years, respectively. However, the imperial title gaveimmense international political prestige to the holder. The kingstherefore went to extraordinary lengths to be crowned emperor by thePope in Rome, including grasping control of the papal election processitself. Once the king had been crowned emperor, it was usual practicefor him to install his heir as king of Germany in his place. KingFriedrich III was the last German king to be crowned by the Pope inRome, in 1452. His successor Maximilian I assumed the title emperorin 1508 without a coronation, his planned journey to Rome for theceremony being frustrated by the Venetians. All Emperor Maximilian'ssuccessors assumed the imperial title at the time of their coronationat Aachen, although Karl V was in addition crowned at Bologna in 1530by Pope Clement VII[13]. The kings of Germany had no central residence or capital butcontinually moved around their lands to impose their authority. Theresult was an inability to build a lasting central power base, incontrast to the Capetian kings of France who gradually extended theirroyal domains from their Ile-de-France base. In Germany, powerfulnobility were therefore free to develop their political influence intheir own regions, either centred around a powerful castle as in thecases of the Staufen and Habsburg dynasties, or on a town like theWelf dynasty at Ravensburg and the Zähringer at Freiburg im Breisgau.This process developed without royal involvement. In contrast to thedistribution of titles and lands in the early part of the 11thcentury, the king had no control over the establishment anddevelopment of these local lordships in the 12th century. The processwas accelerated by the creation of new duchies out of the territoriesof the original duchies of Bavaria and Saxony. In southern Germany,the duchies of Austria and Styria were created in 1156 and 1180respectively, and the duchy of Westfalia (granted to the archbishop ofKöln) was created in 1180 in the north. These changes were apparentlymotivated by a desire to break the historic power blocks which,particularly when in the hands of the dukes from the Welf dynasty,represented a significant challenge to central royal authority. Thisfragmentation of territories was to have a profound effect on thefuture development of Germany until the 19th century. The descendants of the Carolingian kings of the East Franks, and theSaxon, Salian Frankish, and Hohenstaufen dynasties of kings ofGermany, are shown in full in the present document. Detailsconcerning the parentage, wives and families of the kings of Germanyfrom other dynasties can be accessed by hyperlink to the correspondingdocuments which show the families to which they belonged. [1] Fuhrmann, H., trans. Reuter, T. (1995) Germany in the high middleages c.1050-1200 (Cambridge University Press), p. 19. [2] Reuter, T. (1991) Germany in the early middle ages c.800-1056(Longman), pp. 142-3. [3] Bayley, C. C. (1949) The Formation of the German College ofElectors in the mid-Thirteenth Century (Toronto), p. 97. [4] Bayley (1949), pp. 98-9. [5] Bayley (1949), p. 170. [6] Bayley (1949), p. 139. [7] Bayley (1949), p. 160. [8] Bayley (1949), pp. 159 and 161. [9] Bayley (1949), pp. 169-70. [10] Bayley (1949), p. 188. [11] Leuschner, J. (1980) Germany in the Late Middle Ages (NorthHolland Publishing Company), pp. 155-61. [12] Bayley (1949), pp. 90-3. [13] Bayley (1949), p. 213. |
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Upload date | 2014-12-22 06:03:51.0 |
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